HUMAN TRAFFICKING

1

HUMAN TRAFFICKING OF INDIGENOUS GIRLS AND WOMEN IN
CANADA

Author´s name: Elizabeth Ibarra Reina
Post Baccalaureate Diploma in Law Enforcement Studies, Justice Institute of
British Columbia

Author Note
This capstone paper was completed for LAWS 4003: Research Project, taught by
Dr. Sunny Mangat on April 04, 2025.

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

2
Abstract

Human trafficking in Canada remains a critical human rights issue which
disproportionately affects Indigenous women and girls due to colonial legacies,
economic marginalization, and systemic racism. This research will evaluate the National
Strategy to Combat Human Trafficking 2019-2024 (NSTCHT), focusing on its
effectiveness in addressing human trafficking among Indigenous girls and women,
particularly the role of social media in recruitment, exploitation, and trafficking
facilitation. A qualitative analysis was conducted, reviewing government reports,
academic literature, and statistical data to assess the implementation and impact of the
strategy.
Data from the 2014 National Task Force on Sex Trafficking of Women and Girls
in Canada reports that although Indigenous people only make up 5% of Canada's total
population, they account for 51% of trafficked women and 50% of trafficked girls (The
Centre, 2023). However, the NSTCHT incorporates prevention, victim support, and law
enforcement measures but inadequately addresses digital recruitment for exploitation,
fails to implement Indigenous-led interventions, and lacks accurate data collection on
Indigenous trafficking victims. This research highlights the prevalence of online
grooming tactics, including "love bombing" and economic coercion, as key recruitment
methods and calls for a survivor-centred, intersectional approach, including stricter
online monitoring, Indigenous-led anti-trafficking programs, and culturally relevant
digital literacy initiatives. Addressing these gaps is crucial to ensuring the safety of
Indigenous women and girls in Canada.
Keywords: Human trafficking, Indigenous girls, Canada, digital exploitation,
social media recruitment, National Strategy to Combat Human Trafficking.

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

3

Table of Contents
Abstract..................................................................................................................2
Human Trafficking of Indigenous Girls and Women in Canada .....................................5
•

Background ......................................................................................................... 5

•

Problem Statement .............................................................................................. 5

•

Research Question ...............................................................................................6

•

Thesis Statement .................................................................................................,7

Literature Review ............................................................................................................7
•

Colonialism and the Systemic Marginalization of Indigenous Women ...............8

•

Socioeconomic Disparities and Vulnerability to Trafficking ...............................9

•

The Role of Social Media in Human Trafficking Recruitment ..........................10

•

Gaps in Research and Policy Implications .........................................................12

Methodology ..................................................................................................................13
•

Worldview ...........................................................................................................14

•

Ethical Considerations ........................................................................................15

•

Research Design .................................................................................................15

•

Data Collection and Source Selection ................................................................16

Results ............................................................................................................................17
•

Colonialism and Economic Inequalities as Drivers of Trafficking ....................18

•

Recruitment through Social Media and Online Platforms ..................................19

•

The National Strategy Fails to Implement Critical Policies ...............................20

Key Findings ...................................................................................................................22
Discussion .......................................................................................................................23
Recommendations ..........................................................................................................26
Conclusion ......................................................................................................................28

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

4

References .....................................................................................................................30

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

5

Human Trafficking of Indigenous Girls and Women in Canada
Background
Human trafficking is a global problem, and it affects about 2.4 million people
around the world; approximately two-thirds are women or children trafficked into
commercial sexual exploitation. This form of exploitation is manifested in different
ways, where the victims are coerced or forced into industries, including the sex trade
(Reid, 2012). According to The Centre (2023), 51% of women and 50% of girls
trafficked in Canada are Indigenous despite comprising just 5% of the overall
population. Human trafficking remains one of the most critical human rights violations
in Canada, with Indigenous women and girls disproportionately affected.
According to Novotney (2023), although boys and men are trafficked as well,
most labour and commercial sex trafficking victims identified are Indigenous women
and girls. In a 2021 report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, out of
every ten victims found worldwide, five are adult women and two are girls. Despite
legal frameworks such as Sections 279.01 to 279.04 of the Canadian Criminal Code
prohibiting human trafficking (Government of Canada, 2021), Indigenous women and
girls continue to be at heightened risk due to colonial legacies, economic disadvantages,
systemic racism, and gaps in social protection mechanisms. This is why an
intersectional study is required.
Problem Statement
Reports indicate that while Indigenous females constitute only 4% of Canada’s
female population, they represent 50% of all trafficking victims (Roudometkina, 2018).
This stark overrepresentation highlights the failure of existing policies to protect
Indigenous communities from trafficking-related harms effectively. According to
Conroy (2022), sex trafficking and labour trafficking are the most prevalent forms of

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

6

human trafficking in Canada, consistent with global trends in human trafficking. Allan
et al. (2023) state that while there is no precise definition, sex trafficking refers to
the act of recruiting, using a facility for, or maintaining a person for commercial sex,
particularly when it involves force, fraud, or coercion. Public Safety Canada (2021)
defines labour trafficking as the recruitment, transportation, or harbouring of
individuals by force to compel them to work.
One of the emerging concerns in human trafficking is the increasing role of
social media as a tool for recruitment and exploitation. Traffickers utilize online
platforms to groom victims through deceptive relationships, financial incentives, and
emotional manipulation tactics such as "love bombing,” which is excessive flattery and
attention (Loui, 2017) as a recruitment method.
Settler colonialism has a legacy of systematically displacing Indigenous peoples
from their land, disrupting traditional economies, and imposing socio-economic
structures which have served to marginalize them. Also, residential schools and
assimilation policies were forced to destroy generational knowledge and skills, which
worsened economic disparities. Today, Indigenous communities face high poverty rates,
high housing and employment barriers, and direct consequences of colonial policies that
settled economic interests over Indigenous sovereignty. Many Indigenous youth,
particularly those from rural and remote areas, are attracted to trafficking under the false
excuse of economic opportunity and companionship, exacerbating their vulnerability
(Loui, 2017). Despite the implementation of the NSTCHT, concerns persist about its
ability to effectively address digital exploitation and the systemic conditions that place
Indigenous women at risk.
Research Question
Main Research Question:

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

7

How effective are the provisions of the National Strategy to Combat Human
Trafficking (2019–2024) in addressing human trafficking among Indigenous girls and
women in Canada?
Sub-question:
What role does social media play in facilitating the trafficking of Indigenous girls
and women living in rural or remote communities, and how does the National Strategy
address or fail to address this digital threat?
Thesis Statement
This study evaluates the effectiveness of the NSTCHT by analyzing its
implementation, strengths, and limitations in preventing the trafficking of Indigenous
girls. The research explores how colonial histories, institutional failures, and digital
platforms intersect to aggravate trafficking risks. By identifying gaps in enforcement
and policy measures, the study argues for stronger Indigenous-led interventions,
improved digital monitoring, and survivor-centered approaches to combat human
trafficking effectively. This is important in that it contributes to the understanding of
why existing measures may be insufficient and how they can be improved. Finally, to
link the gap between government strategies and real-world events.
Literature Review
Understanding the human trafficking of Indigenous women and girls in Canada
requires an analysis of historical, structural, and fundamental factors that contribute to
their disproportionate vulnerability. Research indicates that colonialism, racism,
economic marginalization, and failures in law enforcement and social services intersect
to create conditions that facilitate trafficking. Additionally, the rise of social media in
Indigenous communities as a recruitment tool has intensified the issue, making
trafficking harder to detect and prevent. According to Loui (2017), traffickers are using

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

8

Facebook to groom Indigenous people from reserves into moving to cities. This section
examines the key themes in the existing literature, highlighting both the strengths and
critical gaps in current research.
Colonialism and the Systemic Marginalization of Indigenous Women.
Colonialism has played a central role in creating the conditions that facilitate the
trafficking of Indigenous women and girls. The devaluation of Indigenous lives,
combined with state-imposed racial and gender hierarchies, makes them more
vulnerable, contributing to the overrepresentation of Indigenous women in the sex trade
and trafficking networks (Roudometkina and Wakeford, 2018).
The legacy of colonial violence continues to manifest in contemporary child
welfare and criminal justice systems. According to Freedom United (2024), recent data
reveals that a total of 60% of children who previously spent time in the foster care
system are child sex trafficking victims, and at-risk youth indicate that one in three
experienced either running away or being forced to leave home before becoming
trafficking victims. The children experienced multiple challenges, lacking stable family
support, experiencing inadequate parental supervision and placement changes, and
separation from loved ones and community members. The children faced emotional
fragility while navigating the complexities of their intersecting identities. This
institutional failure increases trafficking susceptibility, as many victims come from
backgrounds of childhood abuse, neglect, and unstable housing (Baird & Connolly,
2021). Despite these well-documented historical patterns, anti-trafficking policies often
fail to acknowledge the colonial roots of the crisis, instead relying on enforcementbased approaches that do not address underlying vulnerabilities (Bourgeois, 2015).
The colonial narrative has portrayed Indigenous women as either “inherently
available” or “sexually deviant,” which has placed them over and again into sex

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

9

trafficking and exploitation. As a result, their dehumanization prevents them from
escaping violence. In dealing with interpersonal violence against women who are
Indigenous within the context of a large colonial legal framework, violence is not only
the result but also the means of creating and maintaining certain realities. Understanding
that violence is a part of the construction and maintenance of colonial society makes it
necessary to unlearn and redefine socio-legal norms for a better and more equitable
social frame (Hunt, 2016).
Socioeconomic Disparities and Vulnerability to Trafficking.
Economic marginalization is another key driver of trafficking among Indigenous
women and girls. Economic marginalization among Indigenous women and girls is the
result of historical and structural barriers that limit their access to education,
employment, and financial independence. Indigenous women face higher
unemployment rates compared to non-Indigenous Canadians. Research published in
December 2021 by the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives showed the
unemployment rate for Indigenous women in Alberta averaged 8.3% compared to 5.2%
for non-Indigenous women. Colonialism and the competitive economic system that
came with it provoked racism and gender discrimination, limiting job opportunities and
forcing many into low-paying, insecure, or precarious work, including informal labour
and the underground economy.
Research consistently demonstrates that poverty, lack of access to education,
and high unemployment rates create conditions in which individuals become more
susceptible to exploitation, coercion, and trafficking (Louie, 2017). Many Indigenous
women enter the sex trade as a means of survival, a reality often termed "survival sex,"
where individuals engage in sexual activity in exchange for necessities like food,
shelter, or transportation (Roudometkina & Wakeford, 2018).

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

10

Further increasing this issue is the lack of culturally appropriate services for
victims. Indigenous women face barriers in accessing victim support programs, as many
services fail to incorporate Indigenous worldviews or community-led interventions
(Barret, 2010). This gap has led to calls for Indigenous-led, survivor-centered solutions
that address both the economic precarity and social dislocation that contribute to
trafficking (Bourgeois, 2015). However, current policies continue to rely on punitive
measures rather than community-based prevention strategies.
The Role of Social Media in Human Trafficking Recruitment.
A growing body of research identifies social media as a powerful tool for
traffickers to recruit and exploit Indigenous girls. Digital platforms such as Facebook,
Instagram, and TikTok have replaced street-based recruitment, allowing traffickers to
target victims remotely (Cockbain and Bowers, 2019; Latonero, 2011; Louie, 2017;
United Nations, 2020). Tactics such as "love bombing" (excessive flattery and
attention), economic promises, and false job offers are commonly used to attract victims
into trafficking networks (Baird & Connolly, 2021). Using the internet and digital
networks, users can share and communicate instantly with fellow individuals or groups
of people at different distances. These technological advancements increase the capacity
of traffickers to select and abuse more victims and spread their activities to other
regions (Latonero, 2011). Online interaction is the way of selecting the possible victim,
gaining access to personal data, organizing logistics and transportation, and the
recruitment of persons through social media. In examining cases presented in the 2018
UNODC Global Report on Trafficking in Persons, it is possible to see how perpetrators
work in a sequence to identify their victims from social media platforms, build a
relationship with them and later trap them in exploitative relationships (Cockbain &
Bowers, 2019).

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

11

Studies show that Indigenous youth, particularly those from rural and remote
communities, are especially vulnerable to online trafficking tactics. Many are drawn to
social media as a means of connecting with people outside their isolated environments,
making them more susceptible to deceptive relationships. Traffickers exploit these
vulnerabilities by offering a sense of belonging and opportunity, only to later coerce
victims into exploitation, forced sex work, or debt bondage (Louie, 2017). As discussed
in the literature review, many Indigenous girls are more vulnerable to being recruited in
social media because the world they grow up in is one of abuse, neglect and systemic
oppression, which increases their vulnerability to being targeted by traffickers who
promise safety and acceptance; they pose as protectors or as ‘romantic partners’ to offer
love, shelter, or a way out of a bad situation. Indigenous communities are more likely to
be poor, unemployed and housed inadequately (Farley et al., 2017). Social media is used
by traffickers to target Indigenous girls, to offer fake jobs, modelling gigs, or money,
and to manipulate them into a trap. Indigenous girls are disproportionally placed in
foster care, and many of them have no family and no one to support them (Sethi, 2007).
The vulnerability is then easily exploited by traffickers who groom victims on the
internet, providing them with the attention they crave and convincing them that life will
be better. Hence, many Indigenous girls live in isolated communities with limited
access to support systems, and therefore, social media can become a means of
connection. Traffickers take advantage of the platform to establish contact and slowly
influence the victims to do their bidding.
Despite the growing role of digital recruitment, Canada’s National Strategy to
Combat Human Trafficking (2019-2024) does not sufficiently address online
exploitation. While it outlines general prevention measures, there are no concrete
policies for monitoring social media platforms, disrupting online grooming tactics, or

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

12

enforcing accountability on tech companies (Public Safety Canada, 2019). This
regulatory gap allows traffickers to operate with relative anonymity, making
intervention efforts significantly more difficult.
Gaps in Research and Policy Implications.
Although existing research effectively highlights the connections between
colonialism, economic injustice, and trafficking, there are notable gaps that require
further investigation. Studies estimate that 50% of trafficking victims in Canada are
Indigenous girls (Roudometkina, 2018), yet official statistics on Indigenous-specific
trafficking cases remain limited. There is an urgent need for improved data collection
mechanisms that disaggregate trafficking data by race, gender, and region.
While recent studies acknowledge the impact of social media on recruitment, little
research exists on how to disrupt online grooming techniques. Future research should
explore technology-driven anti-trafficking measures, such as AI-based monitoring of
recruitment patterns and stricter content regulation for trafficking-related posts.
Limited Inclusion of Indigenous Voices in Policy Development Current antitrafficking strategies are primarily law enforcement-focused, often failing to incorporate
Indigenous-led solutions (Bourgeois, 2015). Research must prioritize Indigenous
perspectives by incorporating survivor-led insights and community-based interventions
into policy frameworks.
The literature clearly demonstrates that colonial legacies, economic precarity,
and systemic failures contribute to the trafficking of Indigenous women and girls in
Canada. Social media has intensified this crisis, providing traffickers with new,
undetectable ways to recruit victims, yet policy responses remain insufficiently
equipped to address digital exploitation. While existing studies provide valuable
insights into the root causes of trafficking, critical gaps remain, particularly in data

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

13

collection, Indigenous-led policy approaches, and social media regulation. This research
builds on these findings by evaluating the effectiveness of Canada’s NSTCHT in
addressing these challenges and proposing solutions to bridge these policy gaps.
Methodology
This study was conducted using secondary research such as peer-reviewed
journal articles, government reports and research studies on human trafficking, social
media exploitation and Indigenous vulnerabilities. The research reviews patterns of
recruitment, inequalities and current anti-trafficking measures effectiveness. A
comprehensive literature review has also been completed to guarantee the historical,
social and economic factors that lead to the trafficking of Indigenous girls have been
explored.
This study employs a qualitative policy analysis to evaluate the effectiveness of
the NSTCHT in addressing human trafficking among Indigenous girls and women in
Canada, with a focus on digital exploitation. Given the lack of comprehensive primary
data on Indigenous trafficking victims, this research relies on secondary sources,
including government reports, academic literature, and statistical data. The methodology
follows an intersectional, Indigenous-centered, and feminist approach to understanding
the fundamental and digital dimensions of trafficking. The population of this research
includes Indigenous women and girls in Canada residing in rural areas who are at risk of
or have been impacted by, human trafficking, with a focus on those who have been
digitally recruited and exploited. This population is explored in relation to inequalities,
colonial past and present, and ongoing social vulnerabilities that affect Indigenous
communities disproportionately.
Worldview

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

14

The worldview of this research takes the framework that fundamental
inequalities, colonial legacies and institutional failures affect why Indigenous girls are
being trafficked. It is a critical approach because it examines how power structures,
historical injustices and fundamental inequalities lead to the trafficking of Indigenous
girls (Roudometkina & Wakeford, 2018). The approach resists accepting explanations
that appear on the surface. It also critically examines human trafficking not as a one-off
crime but as an essential problem that has its roots in colonialism, socio-economic
inequality, and racism. Being a non-Indigenous woman and an international female
immigrant from Mexico living in Canada, I understand the significance of positioning
myself in this research because it helps me to think about how my background, identity,
and experiences affect my engagement with the topic, my interpretation of the findings,
and my interaction with the voices represented. Recognizing my point of view promotes
transparency and ethical responsibility. This study was conducted from an Indigenous,
feminist, and decolonizing perspective, which acknowledges that historical wrongs like
the Indian Act, residential schools, and forced assimilation policies have made
Indigenous women and girls more likely to be trafficked. It also uses an intersectional
lens to see how gender, race, socio-economic status, and digital spaces crossroads and
are involved in creating trafficking patterns (Nonomura, 2020). This worldview is also
challenged by the state-centred and law enforcement-focused approaches that do not
address the source of trafficking, and further, it highlights the role of social media as a
new form of recruitment. This critical framework focuses on the intersection of race,
gender, colonialism, and economic marginalization in the vulnerability of Indigenous
girls to trafficking. This research supports solutions that are based on the needs and
experiences of survivors and their communities, and it advocates for community-based

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

15

approaches that prioritize Indigenous sovereignty, self-determination, and culturally
appropriate interventions that are designed and led by Indigenous peoples themselves.
Ethical Considerations
Given the sensitive nature of human trafficking research, ethical considerations were
paramount. Being a non-Indigenous woman and an international female immigrant from
Mexico living in Canada, I understand the significance of positioning myself in this
research. I come to this work with humility and great respect for the knowledge,
experiences, and voices of Indigenous communities. I know that my viewpoint is
influenced by my own cultural experience, my immigrant experience, and my gendered
lens, and I will continue to consider how these factors affect my interpretation. To make
sure that I am engaging from a culturally specific and informed place, I will focus on
listening to Indigenous voices by consulting Indigenous secondary research. It is my
hope to conduct this research with cultural sensitivity, ethical responsibility, and
genuine care so that the reader not only understands the focus of this work but also the
lens through which this is being done.
This study recognizes the historical exploitation of Indigenous narratives in
research. To uphold ethical integrity, Indigenous scholarship was prioritized. The
research refrains from reproducing harmful stereotypes or reducing Indigenous women
to victimhood, instead focusing on structural and policy failures. No direct interviews
with survivors were conducted to protect vulnerable populations from re-traumatization.
Future research should incorporate survivor voices and Indigenous-led policy
recommendations through community-based participatory research to further strengthen
policy solutions.
Research Design

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

16

This research used a qualitative policy analysis by looking closely at the sections,
goals, and actions in Canada’s National Strategy to Combat Human Trafficking and
identifying common themes and ideas. This analysis aimed to identify the assumptions,
the gaps, and the impacts on vulnerable populations, especially Indigenous
communities, to see where the strategy does or does not address culturally specific
needs and systemic power dynamics. It was conducted to examine how the National
Strategy addresses the trafficking of Indigenous girls and women, the extent to which
social media exploitation recruitment is recognized and mitigated within policy
measures, and the effectiveness of enforcement, victim support, and prevention efforts
within the strategy.
Data Collection and Source Selection
Data was gathered from three primary categories of sources: Government Policies
and Reports, including the NSTCHT (Public Safety Canada, 2019); and the Final Report
of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls
(National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, 2019).
These sources provide insight into official anti-trafficking measures, statistical data, and
policy implementation. The second source is Academic Literature and Peer-Reviewed
Articles, which include Studies on human trafficking and Indigenous women in Canada
(Bourgeois, 2015; Roudometkina & Wakeford, 2018); Research on social media
recruitment strategies used by traffickers (Baird & Connolly, 2021; Louie, 2017) and
evaluation of Canada’s anti-trafficking policies (Nonomura, 2020). These sources
contextualize policy gaps and emerging trends, particularly the role of digital platforms
in recruitment. The third source is Statistical Data and NGO Reports, which include
Statistics Canada reports on human trafficking cases (2015-2023) and NGO studies on
survivor experiences and trafficking intervention programs (Barret, 2010).

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

17

In selecting literature for this research, I identified specific inclusion and exclusion
criteria that would help guide the review. From peer-reviewed academic articles to
government reports, I only included studies done in the last 15 years that focus on
Indigenous trafficking victims in Canada and works that examine the role of digital
methods in recruitment for trafficking. The study focuses on the last 15 years to reflect
data that represents current social, legal and digital conditions of trafficking. Excluded
were research on international trafficking, which had no direct application to the
Canadian context, opinion-based sources, which had no empirical or legal basis, and
articles published before 2010 except for important historical examples like
foundational colonial policies.
Results
Human trafficking in Canada represents a complex social issue rather than just a
criminal offence because it stems from structural and historical inequalities. Indigenous
women and girls experience higher risks of exploitation because racism, together with
colonial legacies and economic marginalization, affects them disproportionately. The
statistical reports about human trafficking, together with scholarly research, demonstrate
the scope of the issue but fail to capture the real-life suffering of victims. This research
works to make survivors' life stories visible because it advocates for changes to existing
structures, which should start by respecting Indigenous control and perspectives.
Engaging with this topic has shifted my understanding. What initially began as a policyfocused inquiry quickly transformed into a deeper examination of the personal and
structural realities behind the numbers. The research process pushed me to critically
reflect on the disconnection between government responses and the lived experiences of
those impacted by trafficking. This paper reflects on the learning process moving from a
place of distant analysis to a more engaged, community-centered critique.

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

18

Colonialism and Economic Inequalities as Drivers of Trafficking
As indicated earlier, colonialism has produced enduring effects on Indigenous
family structures and communities that the NSTCHT has not taken into consideration.
The colonial instruments described by Roudometkina and Wakeford (2018) broke apart
cultural affiliations and family relationships, which has led to ongoing intergenerational
trauma. Limited educational access, together with insufficient housing and employment
opportunities, create conditions that make people susceptible to trafficking. During my
research, I came to understand better how deeply installed these colonial legacies
remain in the present. What seemed to be social and economic issues on the surface,
like job insecurity and homelessness, were, in fact, the continuation of historical
dispossession. This process has grown my awareness of the ways colonial violence
operates.
The NSTCHT recognizes Indigenous population vulnerability yet fails to tackle
the core causes behind this vulnerability effectively. The strategy fails to implement
specific policies that would eliminate institutional prejudices together with systemic
biases which threaten Indigenous women and girls. Economic difficulties and job
instability function as risk factors only when viewed through the lens of sustained
systemic neglect and colonial oppression. The current Canadian strategy fails to deliver
sufficient programs for job creation and housing or culturally suitable education, while
traffickers target individuals through economic need and social isolation. The
vulnerabilities continue to exist because there are no specific investments and policy
interventions in place. The effective solution needs to focus on empowering Indigenous
women economically by implementing programs that support Indigenous housing and
employment, healthcare services, and education that reflect their cultural requirements.
This part of my research challenged my previous assumptions about what an effective

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

19

anti-trafficking strategy might look like. I now see clearly that without addressing the
roots of inequality and ensuring housing, education, and employment, prevention cannot
be meaningful.
Recruitment through Social Media and Online Platforms
As was explained in the literature review, the NSTCHT do not take into
consideration that human traffickers increasingly use digital platforms to find their
victims as a new trend in human trafficking emerges. According to the RCMP’s 2010
Human Trafficking Threat Assessment, platforms like Facebook and Snapchat have
become more popular tools for targeting youth who are vulnerable to exploitation, like
Indigenous girls and women who live in rural areas. Digital grooming operates beneath
the surface of clear street-based recruitment, so law enforcement agencies face
increased challenges when attempting to make early interventions.
As explained before, Louie (2017) states that traffickers use "love bombing"
tactics to build trust by providing excessive affection along with material gifts that
create emotional dependence. The tactic shows exceptional success with disconnected
youth because it makes the distinction between authentic feelings and manipulation
challenging to recognize. This section of the research felt particularly unsettling. It
revealed how the tools young people use daily for connection can be weaponized to
exploit them. My personal discomfort grew with each report I read, especially as I
imagined how hard it must be for youth and families to detect these digital forms of
coercion. Major technology corporations depend on unenforceable community
standards instead of taking real responsibility for their platforms' misuse. Under current
Canadian policies, there is no requirement for artificial intelligence detection of
grooming behaviour and no requirements for reporting mechanisms or penalties for
non-compliance. The lack of regulatory standards enables trafficking networks to

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

20

conduct business operations with minimal interference. Before this research, I had not
fully grasped how integral digital spaces are to modern trafficking operations. Now, I
believe that anti-trafficking strategies must evolve in real-time alongside technological
developments. Digital policy is not a side issue; it is central to protection.
The National Strategy Fails to Implement Critical Policies
The National Strategy provides a general framework, but it does not contain vital
elements that would enhance its effectiveness and cultural appropriateness. The failure
to establish Indigenous leadership as a mandatory element for shaping anti-trafficking
responses represents a critical omission. The current policy-making process involves
Indigenous communities as stakeholders but denies them equal partnership status. A
policy requires success to incorporate Indigenous governance structures together with
self-determination principles. This realization marked a turning point in my
understanding. I started this research assuming that inclusion efforts were genuine and
robust. But I now see that involvement without authority reproduces the same dynamics
of colonial governance deciding for instead of with.
The absence of proper digital platform regulations represents a major weakness
in the present strategy. The growing use of online spaces by traffickers becomes more
challenging to combat because tech companies lack enforceable standards. There exists
no policy requirement that forces companies to implement detection tools or to report
suspicious content, thus creating an unsafe space without adequate oversight.
Another area of concern is the lack of sustainable funding for Indigenous-led
initiatives. Community programs such as shelters, mentorship programs, and digital
literacy workshops are in line with cultural values and are responsive to the
community’s needs. However, they are often limited by short-term funding models that

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

21

hinder their ability to plan and grow. It would also affirm the value of these initiatives
and increase their impact if there were long-term funding commitments.
The foster care system is also linked to the issue of trafficking, which is
particularly worrying. Indigenous youth who age out of care often do not have support
networks or life skills, which makes them vulnerable to exploitation. However, the
National Strategy does not include targeted interventions such as mentorship programs
or transitional support services. This omission leaves a significant policy gap in one of
the most critical areas of prevention. Moreover, there is no requirement for national
Indigenous-led summits on trafficking. Such forums could provide for accountability,
foster collaboration, and ensure that the voices of survivors are heard in policymaking.
As traffickers keep on changing their tactics, policy responses should also be dynamic
and based on the experiences of those who have been trafficked.
Each of these gaps made me more aware of how disconnected policy
frameworks can be from community realities. My previous assumptions about the
comprehensiveness of national strategies have changed dramatically. I now see how
much is left unaddressed. In conducting this research, I have been consistently struck by
the persistent gaps between policy intentions and community needs. Having been
involved in this work from both an academic and personal perspective, I am aware of
the limitations of data in capturing lived experiences. Each statistic is a real person who
must navigate systems of marginalization and harm. My goal has been to shed light on
these human dimensions. This journey has reshaped my thinking from seeing trafficking
as a legal issue to understanding it as a deep one. I no longer believe that legal
frameworks alone can solve these problems. My focus has shifted toward structural
change rooted in partnership, especially with Indigenous leadership. Research should do

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

22

more than diagnose; it should advocate and accompany communities in building longterm solutions.
Human trafficking in Canada is a battle that needs to be fought with a
comprehensive approach that considers both the current threats and the future causes.
The NSTCHT is a positive development, but there are several areas where changes are
needed. Fighting human trafficking goes beyond criminal justice responses; it demands
equity, respect, and reconciliation. It is only through such an approach that we can hope
to break the cycles of harm and create a future in which all communities are safe,
supported and empowered.
Key findings
My initial understanding of human trafficking in Canada focused on its socioeconomic nature, which I believed stemmed from poverty and inequality. The more I
learned about human trafficking, the more I understood that historical injustices and
colonial policies created specific vulnerability among Indigenous women and girls. The
discovery of this reality transformed my understanding of human trafficking because it
revealed how systemic discrimination, historical trauma and institutional abandonment
combined to create this situation.
The NSTCHT of Canada fails to meet its goals because it lacks Indigenous
leadership survivor-informed care and comprehensive prevention initiatives. I used to
think that Canadian policies were advanced and defensive, but this research study
proved that I was wrong. The response needs to establish Indigenous self-determination
while providing enduring support through housing services, culturally safe education,
trauma-informed mental health services, and employment opportunities.
The research revealed how digital platforms function as unrecognized tools for
recruitment through deceptive practices that include love bombing and fake job

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

23

recruitment. The absence of regulatory accountability for technology companies
represents a critical policy gap.
The foster care system proved to be a risk factor which created challenging
questions about the responsibility of institutions. The success of Indigenous-led
programs depends on receiving stable funding and national policy inclusion, which
supports their culturally based, community-focused approach.
The analysis showed that poverty, gender-based violence, and systemic failure
operated as common causes between Mexico and Canada despite their different
structural frameworks. Women and girls in both nations remain at risk because
institutional failures persist across these countries.
Discussion
At the beginning of the research, I had a general idea of the existence of the
problem of human trafficking in Canada and how it is linked with social inequality.
Nevertheless, as the study was being conducted, I gained a better appreciation of the
fact that the issue of discrimination and oppression is not only historical but also
systemic and institutional and affects Indigenous women and girls. This increased
awareness of the issue influenced the direction of the study and, therefore, the merits as
well as the weaknesses of the study.
One of the major advantages of the project was the conceptual framework that
was adopted for the study, which is the interconnectivity between colonial effects,
structural violence, and institutional racism. From the peer-reviewed articles,
government documents and Indigenous resources, the study provided evidence of the
ongoing nature of these injustices and how they continue to contribute to the current
situation that puts people at risk of being trafficked. The study sought to subvert the

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

24

conventional discourse and instead emphasize the resilience of the community, the
culture and the demand for change in the structure of the society.
The application of policy analysis, especially when analyzing the NSTCHT, was
another methodological strength. This approach allowed for a critical evaluation of
policy gaps, such as the absence of Indigenous leadership in policy formulation, poor
regulatory environment for digital platforms, and insufficient trauma-informed and
culturally sensitive services. The findings of the study presented a more critical analysis
of the situation and underscored the significance of Indigenous leadership in the fight
against trafficking.
However, the study had the following weaknesses. Perhaps the biggest one is
that it did not involve primary data collection. Although this decision was primarily
influenced by the limited time and financial resources available for the project, the
absence of primary data ultimately constrained the study’s ability to capture the
emotional and experiential dimensions of the issue. Without direct engagement with
survivors or community members, the research lacked the lived perspectives that could
have deepened its analysis and enhanced its authenticity. Future research should entail
collaboration with Indigenous people’s organizations that can assist in ethical and
trauma-informed ways of engaging communities and supporting the integration of lived
experience into data collection.
Another limitation was the availability and coverage of data. Although the
research used government and academic sources, there was a deficiency of data that was
broken down by Indigenous peoples and trafficking. This gap prevented the author
from being able to measure the magnitude and nature of the problem completely.
Although indirect measures and estimates were used, the weaknesses of the measures
restricted the level of analysis. In future studies, using grey literature, which comprises

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

25

reports of non-governmental organizations and community-based research, can provide
a more detailed and realistic understanding.
The sources were selected within the past 15 years, ensuring that the findings
remained relevant and reflected current trends. The lack of time limited further
exploration of other issues like inter-jurisdictional coordination or the changing roles of
the government in relation to technology companies. These are crucial topics that need
further analysis. Furthermore, the lack of funding and support from institutions limited
the opportunities for primary research and the establishment of partnerships with
Indigenous peoples. Future research planning should focus on these areas by providing
more time for partnership development and resource acquisition.
The research process was also quite demanding in both the emotional and the
rational domains. Reading about cases of coercion, manipulation, and exploitation of
young people was, at times, uncomfortable. I started this project as a non-Indigenous
immigrant from Mexico with certain beliefs, for instance, that Canada has a human
rights system that protects people from such forms of exploitation. This assumption was
proven wrong when I read about the effects of colonialism on the Indigenous peoples of
Canada. These realizations made me reflect on myself and made me realize that there
are similar forms of structural violence in Canada as well as in Mexico.
The project demonstrated that human trafficking requires analysis beyond
criminal justice frameworks because it stems from historical and societal failures. The
lack of primary data restricted the study's findings, yet the process confirmed how
research becomes stronger when it serves communities ethically while following
survivor-informed approaches and maintaining cultural safety standards. Future
research will include three methodological improvements: qualitative interviews will be

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

26

added to the study, while I will enhance my engagement with Indigenous scholarship
and pursue interdisciplinary approaches that link policy analysis to real-life experiences.
The study's limitations did not stop this capstone project from providing
significant knowledge about human trafficking as a structural problem. The research
confirmed that human trafficking needs Indigenous-led and culturally safe approaches
which prioritize survivors' needs. The foundation established through this work will
direct my future academic and advocacy pursuits toward equity and justice alongside
meaningful collaboration with communities experiencing harm.
Recommendations
The results of this research project show that the current National Strategy to
Combat Human Trafficking (2019-2024) does not include adequate provisions for
Indigenous women and girls, particularly those from rural and remote regions in
Canada. The NSTCHT makes efforts in the prevention, protection, prosecution,
partnership and empowerment pillars; nevertheless, it fails to focus on Indigenous-led,
community-based and culturally grounded solutions instead of a law enforcement and
generalized victim support approach. Also, the strategy is not very strong on the use of
digital technologies in recruitment and has insufficient data collection efforts, which
leaves the Indigenous populations vulnerable.
First, the NSTCHT should move away from the current law enforcementfocused model and adopt a survivor-centered, Indigenous-peoples-led approach. This
means having Indigenous leaders and survivors participate in the formation and
application of policies to combat trafficking to ensure that the policies are culturally
appropriate. It is imperative to incorporate an Indigenous anti-trafficking task force that
would include law enforcement, social services and Indigenous knowledge systems.

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

27

The current strategy has a major missing element: it does not have enough
specific provisions for Indigenous women and girls living in rural and remote areas. The
federal government should ensure that there is continuous funding to create mobile
outreach teams, culturally safe shelters, trauma-informed mental health services and
long-term rehabilitation programs for rural areas. Other factors that contribute to the
vulnerability of Indigenous girls in these areas include limited access to transportation,
isolation, and low levels of digital literacy. To this end, community engagement,
mentorship, and culturally appropriate education must be prioritized.
Also, due to the rising use of social media in recruitment for trafficking, the
strategy should go further in calling for government regulations of tech companies. This
includes the use of artificial intelligence to detect trafficking-related content, the quick
deletion of marked content, and legal consequences for platforms that do not enforce the
rules. The strategy should also promote Indigenous-led digital literacy programs that
aim to teach youth how to recognize and prevent online grooming and manipulation.
Besides digital literacy, prevention measures should be made to include antigang programs that address Indigenous youth who can be forced into trafficking
networks. It is important to have community-based safety, economic, and cultural
projects that are implemented locally.
The foster care system needs an immediate change. Traffickers specifically
target Indigenous youth in the foster care system. It is crucial that national policies
include training in Indigenous cultural competence and trauma-informed care for foster
care workers, as well as mentorship and aftercare programs for Indigenous youth
leaving the care system.
A very important enhancement to the strategy is the establishment of an annual
Indigenous-led national conference on human trafficking. This summit would be a

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

28

common forum for policymakers, Indigenous leaders, survivors, law enforcement, and
NGOs to discuss progress, exchange best practices, and co-create future actions.
Finally, survivor-led funding programs should be widened to encompass
Indigenous women from rural areas and should include economic power projects,
education scholarships, and skills training. One must be financially independent to
escape the cycle of being a victim of trafficking.
Conclusion
Human trafficking remains a critical issue affecting Indigenous women and girls
in Canada, deeply rooted in historical injustices, socio-economic disparities, and
essential failures. Despite existing legal frameworks, significant gaps persist in
addressing the complexities of digital exploitation, law enforcement biases, and
inadequate survivor support.
The historical experience, the child welfare system, the economy, and gangs
have contributed to the cycle of vulnerability in which these communities have been
placed, and therefore, they have become easy prey for traffickers. Research also shows
that the failure of support institutions such as the police, social services and even digital
platforms contributes to the worst of the problem, and many victims have no one to turn
to for help. The use of social media has greatly expanded the possibilities for
recruitment, and therefore, trafficking has become less obvious and harder to prevent.
Some sites like Facebook and Instagram have replaced the streets and have helped in the
growth of online recruitment, which makes it hard for the police and other child
protection agencies to interfere.
Despite the NSTCHT and other efforts, current policies are still mostly law
enforcement-based and not survivor-centred, preventive, or community-based. It is
evident that there is a need to address trafficking from a holistic and intersectional

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

29

perspective, with culturally appropriate services, Indigenous-led programs, and targeted
strategies for high-risk populations. To effectively combat human trafficking, Canada
must focus on supporting survivors, prevention, and structural changes that address the
source of the problem, such as poverty, racism, and institutions’ shortcomings. Thus, the
nation can develop a stronger strategy that includes implementing measures to address
online trafficking, enhancing protection for children in foster care, increasing
awareness, and supporting Indigenous solutions
A shift toward survivor-centred, Indigenous-led interventions is essential to
combat trafficking effectively. Implementing digital safety measures, improving data
collection, and reforming foster care services are crucial steps toward mitigating
vulnerabilities. Moreover, law enforcement must undergo comprehensive training to
adopt trauma-informed and culturally competent responses.
The fight against human trafficking requires a multifaceted, intersectional, and
proactive approach. Future research should prioritize firsthand accounts from survivors
and Indigenous organizations, along with policy evaluations on digital trafficking
trends. Canada must move beyond punitive approaches and invest in long-term,
community-based solutions that empower Indigenous women and girls to break free
from cycles of exploitation.

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

30
References

Baird, K., & Connolly, J. (2021). Recruitment and entrapment pathways of minors into
sex trafficking in Canada and the United States: A systematic review. Trauma,
Violence, & Abuse, 24(1), https://doi.org/10.1177/15248380211025241
Barret, N. (2010). An exploration of promising practices in response to human
trafficking in Canada. https://icclr.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/AnExploration-of-Promising-Practices-in-Response-to-Human-Trafficking-inCanada.pdf?x34947=&utm
Bourgeois, R. (2015). Colonial exploitation: The Canadian state and the trafficking of
Indigenous women and girls in Canada. https://www.uclalawreview.org/wpcontent/uploads/2019/09/Bourgeois-final_8.15.pdf?utm
Branch, L. S. (2023, October 26). Consolidated federal laws of Canada, Criminal Code.
Laws-Lois.justice.gc.ca. https://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/eng/acts/c-46/section279.01.html
Conroy, S. (2022). Trafficking in persons in Canada, 2021. Statistics Canada.
https://vpd.ca/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/stats-canada-trafficking-in-persons2021.pdf
National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls. (n.d.).
Reclaiming Power and Place: The Final Report of the National Inquiry into
Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls. https://www.mmiwgffada.ca/final-report/
Government of Canada, Department of Justice. (2021, April 19). The criminal code of
Canada. https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/csj-sjc/ccc/index.html
Hunt, S. (2014, November 4). Representing colonial violence: Trafficking, sex work,
and the violence of law. Atlantis: Critical Studies in Gender, Culture & Social

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

31

Justice.
https://www.academia.edu/9127880/Representing_Colonial_Violence_Traffickin
g_Sex_Work_and_the_Violence_of_Law
Louie, D. W. (2017). Social media and the sexual exploitation of Indigenous girls.
Girlhood Studies, 10(2). https://doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2017.100208
Nonomura, R. (2020). Trafficking at the intersections. Gender-Based Violence Learning
Network https://www.gbvlearningnetwork.ca/our-work/briefs/brief-36.html?utm
Public Safety Canada. (2019). National strategy to combat human trafficking.
https://www.publicsafety.gc.ca/cnt/rsrcs/pblctns/2019-ntnl-strtgy-hmnntrffc/2019-ntnl-strtgy-hmnn-trffc-en.pdf
Reid, J. A. (2012). Exploratory review of route-specific, gendered, and age-graded
dynamics of exploitation: Applying life course theory to victimization in sex
trafficking in North America. Aggression and Violent Behavior, 17(3), 257–271.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2012.02.005
Roudometkina, A., & Wakeford, K. (2018). Trafficking of indigenous women and girls
in Canada submission to the standing committee on justice and human rights.
https://www.ourcommons.ca/Content/Committee/421/JUST/Brief/BR10002955/
br-external/NativeWomensAssociationOfCanada-e.pdf
Sharma, R. (2023, May 31). Research highlights alarming rates of sexual abuse among
Indigenous Canadian children. SFU News.
https://www.sfu.ca/sfunews/stories/2023/05/research-highlights-alarming-ratesof-sexual-abuse-among-indigen.html
Smith, A., & LaDuke, W. (2005). Conquest: Sexual violence and American Indian
genocide. In JSTOR. Duke University Press.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv123x60k